Question: What do wiretaps, whistleblowers and what’s next? have in common besides beginning with the letter W?
Answer: They are: (a) the tools that enabled federal prosecutors to secure the corruption convictions of Chicago’s former Alpha Ald. Ed Burke, and former greedy Govs. Rod Blagojevich and George Ryan (former Illinois House Super-Speaker Michael Madigan is similarly imperiled); and (b) reforms that could make similar malfeasance less likely in the future.
The cases against Burke, Blago and Madigan relied or will rely on “rats” or “moles,” lower-level political pals squeezed by the feds to save their own skins by providing enough inside information to justify court-approved audio and video wiretaps of potentially incriminating conversations.
It’s a nasty business, but totally necessary to build corruption cases.
In the prosecution of Ryan, whistleblowers in his then-secretary of state office risked alienating bosses and co-workers, and jeopardizing their own safety, by telling the feds about a licenses-for-bribes operation that eventually led to the massive “Operation Safe Road” investigation that snared Ryan and dozens of his political allies.
The key takeaway from these cases is simple: Federal prosecutors need help, like whistleblowers, to penetrate the inner sanctums of corrupt public officials savvy enough to hide their schemes. Without it, most illegal activity goes unchecked.
Whistleblowers are often eligible for financial rewards, cooperating insiders can negotiate leniency, and both get protection if necessary. Valuable and worthwhile incentives.
We deserve government officials who work in our interest and not in their own self-interest.
So what’s next? The (b) I noted above, several reforms Gov. J.B. Pritzker and the General Assembly should consider in the 2024 legislative session to combat malfeasance at all levels:
- Bar public officials from holding private-sector jobs or engaging in money-making private-sector activities that intersect with government. Period. Full stop. That, among other activities that aren’t currently regulated, would have kept Burke and Madigan from making millions as partners at law firms that handle property tax appeals. Burke would never have been able to ask if they’d “landed the tuna?” — code for “Did my law firm get legal business from the developer who wants my support for his project?”
That’s pay-to-play and quid pro quo corruption at its most insidious. Limits on money-making government-related private sector gigs would eliminate much of that.
- Prevent the officers, managers and family members of companies and nonprofits with government contracts from making political contributions to the elected officials who execute the contracts. That would have kept Blago from trying to shake down a children’s hospital administrator by demanding campaign cash in exchange for ongoing state funding. A loophole that lets those individuals give, even if their company or nonprofit can’t, should be closed.
- Consider giving local and state prosecutors, and government inspectors general, some of the same surveillance and grand jury powers the feds employ.
Lisa Madigan, a four-term Illinois attorney general, pushed for more investigative tools year after year. But her efforts were rejected by — guess who? — another Madigan: Her dad!
Empowering state and local prosecutors and appointed inspectors general is controversial. Many are partisan elected officials. But it’s worth considering because our legacy of corruption makes it abundantly clear the public needs more watchdogs with sharper teeth, even if most public officials are afraid of their bite.
We’re at an inflection point, a pivotal moment when it’s no longer enough for the governor and legislative leaders to issue anodyne press releases and make wishy-washy public statements decrying corruption.
It’s time for them to walk the walk, and for beleaguered taxpayers, sick and tired of endless corruption, to finally say “enough is enough” with their voices, and more importantly, their votes.
If lawmakers won’t support necessary and long-overdue reforms, they don’t deserve our support at election time.
Simple as that.
Andy Shaw is a former government and politics reporter for ABC-7 and former president and CEO of the watchdog Better Government Association. He is now chair of the board at Change Illinois Action Fund.
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