Women’s online data could be used against them now that Roe v. Wade is overturned

Based on what’s already known about privacy incursions by law enforcement, it’s likely that women will be more squarely in the crosshairs of digital forensics now that Roe has been overturned.

SHARE Women’s online data could be used against them now that Roe v. Wade is overturned
An abortion rights activist near the US Supreme Court in Washington, D.C. on June 24. Women’s online data privacy could be at risk post-Roe.

An abortion rights activist near the Supreme Court in Washington, D.C. on June 24. Women’s online data privacy could be at risk post-Roe.

Stefani Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images

The Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade will not merely deprive women of reproductive control and physical agency as a matter of constitutional law— it will also change their relationship with the online world.

Any woman in a state where abortion is now likely to become illegal, and who relies on the internet for information, products and services related to reproductive health, could very well be subject to online policing.

As a researcher who studies online privacy, I’ve known for some time how Google, social media and internet data generally can be used for surveillance by law enforcement to cast digital dragnets. Women are likely to be at risk not just from what they reveal about their reproductive status on social media, but also by data from their health applications, which could incriminate them if it were subpoenaed.

Risks to keep in mind

People who are most vulnerable to online privacy encroachment and to the use or abuse of their data have traditionally been those society deems less worthy of protection: people without means, power or social standing.

Many marginalized people happen to be women, including low-income mothers, for whom the mere act of applying for public assistance can subject them to presumptions of criminal intent. These presumptions are often used to justify invasions of their privacy. Now, with anti-abortion legislation poised to go into effect in Republican-controlled states, all women of reproductive age in those states are likely to be subject to those same presumptions.

Before, women had to worry only that Target or Amazon might learn of their pregnancies. Based on what’s already known about privacy incursions by law enforcement against marginalized people, it’s likely that women will be more squarely in the crosshairs of digital forensics.

Imagine a scenario in which a co-worker or neighbor reports someone to the authorities, which gives law enforcement officials grounds to pursue digital evidence. That evidence could include, for example, internet searches about abortion providers and period app data showing missed periods.

The risk is especially acute in places that foster bounty-hunting. In a state like Texas, where there is a potential for citizens to have standing to sue people who help others access abortion services, everything you say or do in any context becomes relevant because there’s no probable cause hurdle to accessing your data.

Outside of that case, it’s difficult to do full justice to all the risks because context matters, and different combinations of circumstances can conspire to elevate harms. Here are risks to keep in mind:

  • Sharing information about your pregnancy on social media.
  • Internet search behavior related directly or indirectly to your pregnancy or reproductive health, regardless of the search engine you use.
  • Location tracking via your phone, for example showing that you visited a place that could be linked to your reproductive health.
  • Using apps that reveal relevant sensitive data, like your menstrual cycle.
  • Being over-confident in using encryption or anonymous tools.
The privacy paradox

Scholars, including my colleagues and me, have been raising alarms for years, arguing that surveillance activities and lack of privacy threatening those most vulnerable are ultimately a threat to all.

The lack of action on privacy vulnerability is due in part to a failure of imagination, which frequently blinkers people who see their own position as largely safe in a social and political system.

There is, however, another reason for inattention. When considering mainstream privacy obligations and requirements, the privacy and security community has, for decades, been caught up in a debate about whether people really care about their privacy in practice, even if they value it in principle.

I’d argue that the privacy paradox — the belief that people are less motivated to protect their privacy than they claim to be — remains conventional wisdom today. This view diverts attention from taking action, including giving people tools to fully evaluate their risks. The privacy paradox is arguably more a commentary on how little people understand the implications of what’s been called surveillance capitalism or feel empowered to defend against it.

With the general public cast as indifferent, it is easy to assume that people generally don’t want or need protection, and that all groups are at equal risk. Neither is true.

It’s hard to talk about silver linings, but as these online risks spread to a broader population, the importance of online safety will become a mainstream concern. Online safety includes being careful about digital footprints and using anonymous browsers.

Maybe the general population, at least in states that are poised to trigger or validate abortion bans, will finally come to recognize the risk to privacy we all — and now, especially women — face.

Nora McDonald is assistant professor of Information Technology at the University of Cincinnati.

This article was originally published on theconversation.com.

The Sun-Times welcomes letters to the editor and op-eds. Check out our guidelines.

The Latest
“I don’t want to be scared to speak,” Ramos said.
Clevinger, who had a 3.77 ERA in 24 starts last season, re-signed with the Sox in April.
Cardoso has not fully participated in practice since the Sky’s preseason game against the Lynx on Friday.